Evaluating Contemporary Irish Republicanism

Irish republicanism has a valid claim to be the true bearer of the torch of Gaelic nationalism. The past proponents of the ideology have consistently pushed the Gael to be as separatist and as militant as possible, both of which are good and natural things. Republicanism was the extreme choice for the 19th and early 20th centuries, with the grovelling and legal constitutional movement far more popular for most of that period. Yet it was the one to be far more influential in shaping Ireland today.

The commemorations of recent weeks recall for us the memory of the dead Fenians and Republicans who gave their lives for Ireland. But today we must ask why their aims have still not been achieved. We must ask if Republicanism in its current form is up to the tasks its predecessors fought for, whether that be through electoralism or some other route.

Republicanism offered something more than lame politics. On the other hand, constitutionalists like Daniel O’Connell worked instead to liberate the Gael within an English framework, and John Redmond of the IPP only desired an Irish Home Rule within the empire, not complete independence. In that sense Home Rule was a false autonomy. Republicanism bore the promise of true autonomy for the Gael in his homeland. Partially achieved, our racial autonomy is under threat again.

Republicans were often more liberal than their constitutional counterparts, barring exceptions of course, yet in recent years, and arguably since Gerry Adams drastically increased his influence in the movement after the second PIRA ceasefire, Republicanism has taken a massive shift to the left. Now that the focus is more on talking over action, its proponents are proud to declare their socialism, whereas men of the past like Tom Clarke and Cathal Brugha dismissed such politics as interfering with the true separatist goal of breaking the connection.

Granted, republicanism does owe its foundations to enlightenment thinking, illustrated in the “equal rights and equal opportunities” mentioned in the Easter proclamation, and the plethora of socialist factions and splinter movements that have sprang up over the years, such as The Worker’s Party, Éirigí and Saoradh, etc.

Yet it has not been an entirely left-wing movement. As it has been pointed out before, James Connolly opposed the sheltering of Belgian immigrants in Ireland and Tom Clarke was thoroughly “racist” after spending time in America. Cathal Brugha wanted nothing to do with “red” politics. The heroes of the socialist twitter warriors would have disagreed with them on many of the subjects they hold dearest.

The IRB were more concerned with securing a separate Republic for the Gael to control his own affairs. The Republic was practically only defined by this, not by any economic programme or ideology beyond self-sufficiency and self-respect. Vague homages to liberty were made. Even the Democratic Programme of January 1919 was only published to keep the Labour party on the side of the new Dáil.

The issue here with modern Republicanism is not the fact that it is now mostly a left-wing movement. The issue is with its short-sightedness and the direct contradictions it holds towards its own goals.

You may ask a modern Republican why he would want to unite Ireland away from British rule only to allow other foreign factions power over his nation. You would then be met with dismissals of “Racism” and reddit condemnations of “fascism,” “blue shirt!” and most importantly, “sure, aren’t we all Irish now?”

There is a fear from Republicans that emerges when they call you such names. They believe these opinions to be the very same that Cosgrave or O’Higgins would come out with. Perhaps its a reflex drawing on their blood-memories. Some of the insults so desperately betray a desire to be a member of Portland’s ANTIFA. Other right-wing factions in the Republic also have problems with obsessively importing foreign politics.

The British occupation of Ireland obviously continues. Uniting the country is still a legitimate goal. But trading one foreigner for the other, and desiring unity without caring for racial differences, is beyond stupidity, and in addition it showcases a fundamental misunderstanding of the northern question.

Forced demographic change is the process that has kept the Northern Ireland state alive and the hatred of the Orangeman to keep burning. Put simply, forced demographic change has led to 400 years of ethnic conflict, despite a closer genetic relation than is usually supposed between Gaels and Ulster-Scots. I doubt that more forced and therefore unnatural demographic change will lead to anything but more strife like this.

It is hard to believe that the proponents of republicanism, our most separatist and Gaelic nationalist position, would discredit their claim to their own land. Surely an acceptance of foreigners as equal to the Irish in Ireland invalidates our own claim over the six counties. If there is no difference between races, then why not just accept partition? Surely the Planters are just as Irish as us then?

It is true that Tone spoke of “Protestant, Catholic, and Dissenter” as equals (yet by the time of the Rising, Republicanism had become more Gaelic-centred, thanks to the influence of An Piarsach, the GAA and the Gaelic League), and that this non-sectarian view lends itself to accepting anyone into the Republican movement who has an interest. But one struggles to see how an influx of sub-Saharans and Indian sub-continentals into Ireland will help materialise a United Ireland.

If anything, it will hinder its chances of ever appearing. Immigrants have been recorded as leaning toward a pro-British position on a United Ireland when polled. Why would they care for a centuries old blood-feud? They did not move here because they are passionate about reunification.

One republican party, the IRSP, seem to understand the immigration issue as threatening everything their dead predecessors ever stood for, and an actual threat to the working class they stand for. Provisional Sinn Féin seem to be reversing their positions, maybe because they are realising the depth of anti-immigration sentiment coming from their own supporters. Fianna Fáil cannot adequately be defined as ‘Republican’ anymore.

SF’s initial gains from the last southern election are falling, despite attempts to backtrack into a more favourable position with the general public. Supporting the EU’s migration pact will not help them win any more love. Working-class Dubs have started to look for alternatives.

So what use is Republicanism to us now? The establishment parties of the Free-State aren’t strong enough on the border to be considered real separatists, and SF in the north will take unity at any price, even at the cost of selling out their own principles. Republicans are continually race-blind, despite the general public’s animosity to a continued influx of immigrants. This historical movement risks being left behind if it cannot adapt to the Gaels of today.