The first step to establishing a true opposition to the cultural and aesthetic apathy of modern Ireland is in reimagining what a re-Gaelicised landscape would look like

From the failure of millennial leftism in the 2010s to the ideological stuntedness of tech bros today, what does the Web Summit debacle tell us about Irish capitalism?

If Irish nationalism adopts this ideology, the movement would accrue superficial gains at the expense of conceding its cardinal values.

This is not just about saving buildings, it is about what those buildings represent. It’s about saving our story. The story of the birth of the Irish nation.

The British monarchy has always used the people they rule over as cannon fodder in wars that only serve to line the pockets of the ruling elites.

Ireland needs a broad front comprised of nationalists and traditional republicans who have been pitted on opposite sides of the political spectrum by those who seek to control us.

The polarity between the rigidity of norms, customs, and appearances, on the one hand, and the anarchic quality of our chthonic desires, on the other, is a cardinal motif.

To achieve a cultural rebirth of the wider macrocosm of the nation, we need an internal liberation of our own consciousness.

The characters become forces of immense physical action which we cannot take our eyes off of. It is action motivated by honour codes and by rituals of kinship. It is a world of forms and the observing of forms. Closer to Achilles and Hector than to Freud. It is a Homeric western.

There is a battle in the country today for the soul of Ireland.

Lenin once said “the Capitalists will sell us the rope with which we will hang them”. Similarly, the individual, in its alliance with the central power, has crafted the hangman’s knot, and following the extirpation of privilege, partiality, and irrationality, finds itself on the gallows awaiting a similar fate…

MEON sat down with Rodrigo Alonso Fernandez from Solidaridad to discuss the experiences of the trade union, which purposefully blends patriotic politics and labour activism.

Liam Mellows once said that “Blood is thicker than water, and Irish blood is thicker than any blood that I know.” But too few Republicans have taken him at his word.

The slow cancellation of the future is the abrupt cancellation of our history.

The workload of Coimisiún na Meán was a topic of conversation at a seminar I attended this week at the European Parliament, during which Silicon Valley whistle-blower Michael Shellenberger hinted that “the deepest darkest elements of the U.S security state” sought to utilise Dublin in their global war on free speech.

Are populists up to the task, or will they will retreat into illusory confines of reactionary liberalism, deferring intellectualism and post-victory policy to others?

One consistent sight that does not disappear from view is the river Liffey, whose water is a dark, ethereal mirror that reflects a vast, boundless prism of neon polychromes reflecting from the buildings of the Grand Canal Docks.

Ireland’s stained image as an unreliable partner incapable of sustaining bilateral diplomatic relationships is a direct threat to Ireland’s apparent desirability as a location for foreign investment. 

I instead suggest helping to develop a fast-paced, readily accessible on-demand (consensual) euthanasia service, particularly for that generation who are the most ardent supporters of the government and their new plans.

As a nation we personify what Mark Fisher called reflexive impotence, where we see the problems we face but assume ‘it is what it is’ — the ennui we subject ourselves to is partly political, partly personal, but ultimately there is no party or political movement that offers real change, nor will there be one if ideological hobbyism is not abandoned in favour of real politics.