“Mind on Matter” — A History of Ireland in a Church Door [Part 2]
Following the death of William II of England in the year 1100, the throne was seized by Henry I of England. However, the crown was also claimed by William's older brother, Robert, the Duke of Normandy. Some of Robert's supporters included the de Belleme family, "one of the most powerful non-royal families in Europe." Robert de Belleme was Duke of Shrewsbury, and his brother Arnulf was Earl of Pembroke.
Robert of Normandy invaded the Kingdom of England to secure the throne, but he and Henry quickly came to an agreement before there was any major bloodshed. But Henry turned against Robert's supporters, namely the two de Belleme brothers. Robert de Belleme sought assistance from the Welsh and from Magnus Barefoot, but received none from the latter (matters were complicated as Magnus had killed Robert's brother, Hugh.)
Arnulf meanwhile sought assistance from High King Muirchertach. Arnulf sent his steward, Gerald of Windsor, to negotiate with the High King. As part of their agreement, Arnulf was to marry Muirchertach's daughter, Lafracoth. The High King agreed, and he dispatched his daughter with a fleet to assist the De Bellemes. However, Robert and Arnulf were defeated by Henry before the fleet could arrive to assist them.
According to a Welsh chronicle, Arnulf:
"thought to make peace with the Irish and to obtain help from them. And he sent messengers to Ireland, that is Gerald the Steward (Gerald of Windsor) and many others, to ask for the daughter of King Murtart for his wife. And that he easily obtained; and the messengers came joyfully to their land. And Murtart sent his daughter and many armed ships along with her to his aid. And when the earls had exalted themselves with pride because of those events, they refused to accept any peace from the king."
Arnulf de Montgomery and his brother Robert were defeated by King Henry, however, and fled to Ireland. The Montgomery brothers fought under Muirchertach during his campaign with Magnus Barefoot, but when de Montgomery attempted to seize the kingship for himself, Muirchertach "took his daughter away from Arnulf and gave the wanton girl in an unlawful marriage to one of his cousins. He resolved to kill Arnulf himself as a reward for his alliance, but the latter ... fled to his own people and lived for twenty years afterwards with no fixed abode."
According to Orderic Vitalis, Muirchertach only allowed the Normans to stay in case he needed their support to fight Magnus if he were to violate their treaty and attack the Irish (the marriage between Magnus son and Muirchertach's daughter). However, after the Norwegian King's death at the hands of the Ulaid, Muirchertach turned against the English rebels and forced them out of Ireland, possibly in an attempt to make amends with King Henry.
Henry had imposed sanctions on Irish trade for their assistance in helping the rebels, but Muirchertach was able to negotiate the lifting of the embargo (possibly by handing Arnulf over to the English), while also again demonstrating his skill in diplomacy. However, it does seem unlikely that Muirchertach would have turned against the Normans. It is possible Arnulf was not even in Ireland at the time of Magnus's death. The marriage between Muirchertach's daughter and Arnulf went ahead regardless, and later, the High King wrote to the English bishop St Anselm of Canterbury, thanking him for intervening with Henry on behalf of his son-in-law. There is also a tombstone in Tulsk, Ireland, which bears the name of Arnoul (Arnulf) and the date 1122. It is possible Henry would have executed Arnulf otherwise. Although Arnulf was pardoned, the de Belleme family was never really forgiven by Henry for the rebellion.
Now let's get back to the reforms proposed by St Anslem. As one can see, Muirchertach was engaged in continuous wars towards the end of his life. Despite this, Muirchertach agreed that reform was needed and along with his brother Diarmuit set upon the task. They helped a native reformer, Gilla Espuic, an Irishman with no allegiance to Canterbury, to set up the Diocese of Limerick where he was made Bishop. In 1101, Muirchertach also held a great assembly at Cashel where he gifted the Rock of Cashel to the Church — to show the Irish Church was serious in its loyalties to the Holy See. However, this set up a rivalry with Emly, chief monastery of Munster, and so a lot of civil strife ensued in the 1100s period as a result of the competition between Reformers vs Old Monastic Families. He also commissioned the piece of propaganda, Cogad Gaédal re Galliab, "the War of the Irish with the Foreigners" between 1103 and 1113 — which detailed the Viking Wars in Ireland and the victory of Brian Boru, Muirchertach's great-grandfather.
The first success of the Reformers was the Synod of Ráth Breasail in 1111 (near Cashel). It marked the transition of the Irish church from a monastic to a diocesan and parish-based church. Many present-dayIrish dioceses trace their boundaries to the decisions made at this synod. It was attended by High King Muirchertach as well as fifty bishops, three hundred priests and three thousand laymen. St Cellach of Armagh and Malchus of Limore, both mentors of the later Reformer St Malachy were present.
A new constitution for the Church was drawn up guided by the relatively new powers of the Papacy as defined in Dictatus papae (1075–87) and Libertas ecclesiae (1079). The system had 24 Bishops with a fixed see and limited dioceses and two archbishops (Cashel and Armagh). This would solve the majority of the abuses outlined by St Anselm. The council also reflected on marriage issues.
The process to implement the changes was slow as only Munster and Ulster had significant representatives in the reform movement. In the monasteries, rule was passed via hereditary means — controlled by family dynasties (comharba) who didn't want to give up their vested interests and what they saw as foreign ways. It would take 40 years and another important figure to do so. During this time in 1119, St Cellach would ordain his protégé St Malachy of Armagh, who would become a leading Reformer. After being ordained, St Malachy went to study with Malchus of Lismore, where he would convert the future King of Munster Cormac Mac Cárthaigh to the reform ideals.
Before we get to the conclusion of the Reforms (and finally Hiberno-Romanesque architecture), let's review Ireland in the 1110s, at the end of High King Muirchertach's reign. The 1111 synod had just finished and Muirchertach also enacted more laws, and reformed aspects of the justice system. In 1114, the King became "sick to the point of a living skeleton", and his brother Diarmuit took advantage of the High King's misfortune to steal the Kingship and banish Muirchertach. However, the next year, Muirchertach miraculously regained his strength and returned to his home, from where he launched campaigns against Diarmuit. He finally managed to capture his rebellious brother in 1115, but his High Kingship seemed to be disintegrating.
On the rise was a young Toirdelbach Ua Conchobhair, King of Connacht — son of Muirchertach's old rival Ruadhrí na Saide Buide, and Muirchertach's nephew — was making quite a name for himself in the political landscape of Ireland at only 27 years of age. He launched repeated invasions of Munster, which Muirchertach struggled to repel in his weakened position. Muirchertach was further weakened by the rebellions of the MacCarthy Mór dynasty in southern Munster, who had been living under the rule of the O'Brien dynasty for over a century since Boru.
These rebellions were supported by Ua Conchobhair, who managed to successfully invade and partition the Kingdom of Munster in 1118. Muirchertach died in 1119 and the Annals of Ulster call him “King of Ireland and the tower of the honour and dignity of the western world." Although the O'Briens never reclaimed the High Kingship, the Kingdom of Thomond (seat of the O'Briens) remained a powerful kingdom for the next few centuries.
“Muirchertach Ó Briain was an ambitious, modernising and outward-looking king whose goal was to make himself king of Ireland as much as William Rufus and Henry I were kings of England; in reality his position was, perhaps, more analogous to that of Philip I in France ... but his actual authority in Ireland, especially at the height of his power in the first years of the twelfth century, greatly exceeded that of Phillip in France. ... Ua Briain ... pursued a vigorous foreign policy which was to carry his activities beyond his own shores.
“Ua Briain's activities in the Irish Sea area [were] a mixture of old and new, of pragmatism and idealism ... But they are invested with a modern purpose. Ua Briain makes one marriage with the king of Norway, and another with one of the most powerful non-royal families in Europe; he treats with the king of Scotland; his aid to the Welsh princes acts as a stabilising influence in Welsh politics; he incurs trade sanctions from the king of England, and negotiates their suspension. Altogether, Muirchertach Ó Briain lifted his head above the domestic power struggle and sought to involve Ireland in the international politics of Europe, so that some sixty years later, these activities were still well remembered, and are reflected in the vitae of St. Flannan of Killaloe.”
— Anthony Candon 1979,
Muirchertach Ua Briain, politics and naval activity in the Irish Sea, 1075 to 1119
Muirchertach was succeeded by his nephew and King of Connacht, Toirdelbach Ua Conchobhair as High King of Ireland, who also would prove to be one of the greatest High Kings in the history of Ireland, reigning from 1118 - 1156.
Meanwhile, due to the rebellions of the Mac Cárthaigh's that Toirdhealbhach sponsored, the Kingdom of Munster — held by the Ua Briain's of Dál gCais since Boru united Munster in 980 AD — the Kingdom of Munster was then partitioned into two kingdoms: that of the Kingdom of Desmond and the Kingdom of Thomond in the The Treaty of Glanmire 1118. Cormac Mac Cárthaigh, who had befriended St. Malachy while he was in Lismore, would go on to be King of Desmond after his brother Tadhg Mac Cárthaigh responsible for the rebellions died of an illness in 1124. Cormac would try to conquer all of Munster for himself but like Tadhg, would be continually crushed by Toirdhealbhach.
Let us now tie these various elements together and finish how we went from talking about the Evolution of Irish Church Doorways to the 12th Century Irish Political/Social landscape and its connections to Europe.
Cormac Mac Cárthaigh's reign as King of Desmond saw him clash heads with High King Toirdhealbhach Ua Conchobair. In 1126, he was replaced by his brother Donnchadh after losing a battle to Ua Conchobair — Cormac was then tonsured, took Holy Orders, and retired to the monastery of Lismore. He encountered St Malachy again while here. His brother would soon after submit to Ua Conchobair. This led to the O'Brien's of Thomond getting Cormac out of monastic life and making him King of Desmond & Munster in a Mac Carthy - O'Brien alliance against the High King. Cormac, King of Munster as of 1127, began what would give him his legacy. Between 1127 - 1134 (consecrated 1134), Cormac built a chapel on the Rock of Cashel known today as 'Cormac's Chapel', which serves as the only surviving intact example of the Hiberno-Romanesque architecture of the period.
Cormac had family members who either were or were friends with the Bishop of Regensburg, Bavaria. There was an Irish monastery in Regensburg since 1070. St James Church in Regensburg is often called the Scots Church or Schottenkirche (Schotte was the term used for Irish). While its door has been altered over the centuries, the Romanesque core remains (along with the two flanking towers and a magnificent doorway in the north wall), and it has a lot of parallels to Cormac's Chapel in Cashel. This Church was built in 1120 by the Irish monks in Regensburg. So it seems with Cormac's contacts there, he managed to get some of the craftsmen to come to Ireland and build Cormac's Chapel in 1127.
Cormac's Chapel broke the trend of unadorned, simple rectangular buildings as we saw in the previous article. Before Cormac's Chapel, the Native styled Churches like St Cronan's (980 AD), and the Trinity and Reefert Churches (1050s), were simple rectangular buildings but with an added round archway which separated the Nave from the Chancel — with Chancels also being a new addition in the 10/11th Century. Even the very early Romanesque doorway of St Flannan's Oratory (1100 AD) doesn't compare to Cormac's Chapel.
It's a miniature for Cathedrals at the time, especially its cousin at Regensburg, built of sandstone in refined blocks, a steep stone roof (common Native style), and a square tower to the north — but the main beauty is the rich ornamented carvings, that vary from the naturalism of portrait-masks on the chancel arch to the grimacing grotesques carved within the Nave. From here the new Hiberno-Romanesque style would spread around Ireland.
People inspired by Cormac's Chapel immediately started attempting to build their own version like St Cronan's Church in Roscrea, of which only the doorway remains. The remains of the 12th-century Romanesque church were demolished in 1812 to make way for the construction of the current church — which is a Church of Ireland — although the doorway was kept.
The doorway of Rathdaire Church which is said to be a stunning example of Hiberno-Romanesque architecture. This doorway is based on the doorway of St. Cronan’s Church in Roscrea. It was designed by James Franklin Fuller in the mid 1880's.
Catalogued here are some of the Hiberno-Romanesque Churches that popped up after Cormac's Chapel with photos and details on the Churches. I do not wish to flood the article with pictures, but the main takeaway now is that you can see the development that the Irish were undergoing in the 12th Century — there was the Golden Age of Irish Monasticism where simple buildings emerged, a stagnation from the Viking Wars, and the Triumph of King Brian Boru followed by a Renaissance in Irish art, architecture, character, politics etc. The Irish nation was developing despite internal conflicts — and it’s worth remembering that every nation at this point was in civil strife — even Anglo-Norman England was having issues, and in the case we’ve seen the parties were requesting the aid of Ireland.
The chief characteristics of Hiberno-Romanesque buildings are the doorways and the chancel arches, the latter appearing in the 1050s. But since Cormac's Chapel in 1134, the chancel arches were now decorated with rich complex surface-ornament finely tuned in a graphic fashion. A fashion often hard to describe as carving and more of a character appropriate to manuscript illumination. There is a barbaric richness to the art like at Clonfert, Irish craftsmen seemed more interested in themes of the past, like in the 8th century manuscripts as well the Ringerike/Urnes Viking influence, rather than in the modern continental ornamentations. By the 1150-70s, ornamented Churches became the fashion, with even the doors on new round towers being built in the Hiberno-Romanesque style. Examples, although most barely surviving (thanks to dissolution of monasteries in the Reformation), are Clonfert Cathedral, Churches in Killeshin, Mon Incha, Kilmore, Cathedral at Tuam & many more.
The one area the Gael lacked in comparison now compared to continental architecture was in the size of the Cathedrals. France in particular was raising large French Romanesque Cathedrals in this period, and England was advancing too. The Irish however, seemed to care more about the ornamentation of the building, rather than going for grand size and architectural feats. The Churches were larger than before but they seemed to be miniature Cathedrals with steep roofs, like those in Cormac's Chapel and the older 8th century Churches.
(I'd also highly recommend watching this episode of Kenneth Clark's Civilization as he goes over the continental Romanesque period.)
The doorway of Dysert O'Dea monastery Co. Clare is another fine example. It contins a strange ring of human heads, beak herds, cat heads and old motifs of La Téne Celtic Art. The site was severely damaged by artillery fire by Cromwellian troops in 1651. Animal interlacing in the art was influenced by the Urnes style which was brought by the Vikings, and which would also influence a lot of the metalwork of this period, like the Cross of Cong. Chevron's also seemed to have appeared, most likely from England where they were standard in Cathedrals.
Killaloe Cathedral (now a Protestant Church) maintains the 1180s Romanesque doorway which shows an increasing barbarism with Urnes style.
Cormac's Chapel had thus brought a Renaissance to Irish architecture that was, in turn, brought by Irish monks from the Regensburg Irish monastery. The main impact was this rich native ornamentation that was decorating newly raised Cathedrals. While this is ongoing, you may remember that King Cormac Mac Cárthaigh befriended St Malachy in the 1120s while Malachy was in Lismore, converting the King to the reform cause. King Cormac was going through his own civil conflicts in the 1120-30s and now St Malachy was about to mark his name in history.
[In 1123 the coarb of Bangor Abbey died. Bangor Abbey was renowned in Europe since the 6th Century as a centre of learning though this was disrupted by the Viking Wars. St Malachy's uncle was the successor and decided to instead make Malachy Abbot of Bangor Abbey. This became an opportunity to implement one of the canons of the Synod of Rath Breasail in 1111, by establishing the diocese of Connor/Down. Cellach, as coarb of Patrick, and consecrated bishop, had been able to organise the diocese of Armagh in accordance with the Rath Breasail plan.
In 1124 Malachy journeyed to Bangor, was installed as abbot, and was made bishop by St. Cellach. The next big step for Malachy came with the passing of Cellach in 1129 and with the next 'coráb Partrick' i.e Archbishop of Armagh to be chosen. St Malachy belonged to the hereditary Comharba family Ui Shinaigh which held the seat for the Bishop of Armagh, so he was a contender. With the help of King Cormac and the Ua Briain's (both families in a temporary alliance in the 1130s) St Malachy succeeded in becoming Coráb Patrick and thus Archbishop of Armagh. It took 2 years before he could take his seat due to tension and he even had to buy the Bachal Isu (Staff of Jesus) from his contender.
This relic, “The staff of Jesus”, the Bachal Isu, with which he raised Lazarus, and originally possessed by Moses who with it struck a rock and received water, and it is often depicted in early Christian Art. Christ gave it to Peter, who in turn gave it to one of his disciples to resurrect a friend. Historically, it ended up in Dublin, having been delivered there, legend has it, by St. Patrick, often himself depicted holding the Holy Staff. According to tradition, the staff was given to St. Patrick by a hermit on an island located in the Etruscan Sea, who had received it from Jesus Christ. Jesus informed the hermit to give it to St. Patrick when he inevitably arrived. St. Malachi had it for a while, until eventually during Henry VIII's heresy, the now Protestant Archbishop of Dublin George Browne burned it in 1538. The reason being that it was considered a "superstitious relic."
St Malachy now as Coráb Patrick now had a great deal of influence and immediately began introducing the Reforms agreed in the Synod of Rath Breasail 1111. He began setting up the Diocese system as we agreed and distributed the Pope's pallia to the Bishops of the new Diocese that were now within Fixed Sees. Malachy's influence in Irish ecclesiastical affairs has been compared with that of St Boniface in Germany. During 3 years at Armagh, Malachy is said to have worked zealously to restore ecclesiastical discipline, restored marriage, renewed the practices of confession and confirmation, and introduced Roman chants in the liturgy. He also became the personal confessor to King Cormac. He was known for his care to the needy as a miracle worker and healer. He stepped down as Coráb Patrick in 1137 believing he had succeeded in his reforms in Ireland, but remained Bishop of Connor/Down.
St Malachy founded a priory of Austin Canons at Downpatrick, and was unceasing in his episcopal labours. Early in 1139 he journeyed to Rome, via Scotland, England, and France, visiting St Bernard at Clairvaux, Champagne where both became very good friends. St Bernard was a member of the Cistercians and became one of their most influential early monks. They were a breakaway from the older Benedictine Order which they saw as not following the older ways of St Benedict. They advocated a return to manual labour and would contribute to culture and technology in mediaeval Europe — Cistercian architecture () is considered one of the most beautiful styles of mediaeval architecture (see Acey Abbey, 1136) — the Cistercians were also the main force of technological diffusion in fields such as agriculture and hydraulic engineering.
In Ireland, these newer orders and even Benedictines weren't too common as the Irish still maintained Columban Rule — while since the 800s the continent was mostly Benedictine due to Charlemagne.
St Malachy on reaching Rome petitioned Pope Innocent II for pallia for the Sees of Armagh and Cashel, and was appointed legate for Ireland. On his return visit to Clairvaux in 1140 and meeting with St Bernard, he agreed to send Irishmen to study under the Cistercians in Clairvaux and he allowed four Irish monks currently with him to study in order to found a Cistercian Abbey in Ireland.
In 1141 St Bernard reported his progress to St Malachy —
"look out beforehand and prepare a place for them, like the place you have seen here, apart from the commotions of the world"
In 1142, Diarmait Ua Cerbhaill, king of Airgíalla, provided the land to build the Abbey. So the Irishmen returned later in 1142 and with some French Cistercians they founded, built, and raised the first Cistercian Abbey — Mellifont Abbey, Co Lú. Mellifont was finished in 1157 and consecrated with an assembly of Kings and Bishops.
Unfortunately, it's in ruins today as it was dissolved during the Reformation. Until then and in 1157, it was one of the main monasteries in Ireland. The Cistercians had their own version of Romanesque, with little borrowing from the Hiberno-Romanesque style. They had a standard which they followed so Mellifont is mostly French-Romanesque influenced.
The Cistercian order had a standard layout for their monasteries. The buildings were organised around a square cloister, with the church on the north side and the living and working areas around the three other sides.
The new features to architecture that Mellifont presented were:
- building was 200ft long
- not set in the midst of a cluster of cells. Instead the whole Cistercian complex of communal buildings is within the one building - i.e the dormitories, refectory, chapter-house, cloister and cellars are all within the one structure rather than separate buildings for each.
Like with Cormac's Chapel springing about the new Hiberno-Romanesque ornamentation style, after Mellifont a number of daughter houses were soon opened using the layout & size of Mellifont, with some combining the Hiberno-Romanesque ornamentation. Examples of daughter houses of Mellifont are:
- Bective Abbey in County Meath (1147, pic 1)
- Inislounaght Abbey in County Tipperary (1147–1148)
- Baltinglass in County Wicklow (1148)
- Monasteranenagh in County Limerick (1148, pic 2)
- Kilbeggan in County Westmeath (1150)
- Boyle Abbey in County Roscommon (1161).
Following the Norman invasion in the 1170s, the Normans built :
- Inch Abbey,
- Grey Abbey,
- Comber Abbey,
- Abbeylara,
- Tracton between 1170 - 1225.
By this time in 1225, another 10 abbeys had been founded by Irishmen since the invasion, bringing the total number of Cistercian houses in Ireland to 31, majority Irish. - half the number of those in England, but it was about x3 the number of Scotland and Wales. One such Irish Cistercian Abbey founded after the Norman invasion was in Abbeyknockmoy in County Galway. It was founded by King of Connacht, Cathal Crobhdearg Ua Conchobair, who died a Cistercian monk and was buried there in 1224.
He was the youngest son of the High King of Ireland Toirdhealbhach Mór Ua Conchobhair (mentioned previously, reign 1119 - 1156) and brother to the last fully recognized High King Ruadri Ua Conchobair (reign 1166 – 1198). His own sons Aedh Ua Conchobair and Feidhlimidh Ua Conchobair) were Kings of Connacht after him and his reign was dominated in stopping the approaching Normans who had conquered Leinster from entering Connacht. He was the subject of a poem by 19th Century Irish nationalist James Clarence Mangan.
So the final point to tie up now is, why did the Irish not appreciate size and architectural feat sooner in the 1100s? Why did it take until Mellifont? Well, this is where we have to finish St Malachy's tale.
Malachy set out on a second journey to Rome in 1148 while Mellifont was still being built as he wanted to hold another Synod that would finally complete the Reform process established in the 1111 Synod of Ráth Breasail, but on arriving at Clairvaux, he fell sick and died in the arms of friend St Bernard, on 2 November 1148. St Bernard then went on to write The Life and Death of St Malachy (translation here) in 1150. St Bernard's book paints St Malachy as a figure akin to St Patrick or S tBoniface, in that he is bringing in a 'backward, hedonistic, pagan people', a people who St Malachy was trying to reform and whom St Malachy succeeded in reforming. However, I think St Bernard was trying to propagandise against the Columban order, as remember, Bernard was a hardened Cistercian who believed the Benedictines had lost their way, so he probably didn't see Columban orders in a positive light either — so I'd say the depiction was a mix of both points.
In paragraph 61 in St Bernard's The Life and Death of St Malachy - we get an interesting exchange. St Malachy gave authority to Bangor Abbey to a man who Bernard says was not fit for the job as the man was against Church Reforms and plotted against Malachy.
"Malachy thought that a stone oratory should be built at Bangor similar to those which he had seen erected in other places. And when he began to lay the foundations the natives were all amazed, because no buildings of that kind were found in the region. That good-for-nothing was not amazed, however but highly indignant. From that indignation he conceived sorrow and brought forth iniquity. He became a whisperer among the people, now disparaging [Malachy] in private, now openly blaspheming [him], pointing to the foolishness, being horrified at the novelty, greatly bemoaning the expense. He was urging and leading many to put a stop to the whole thing with poisonous words of this nature.
“ ‘Follow me,’ he said. ‘Let us not allow something to be done without our permission which we ourselves should be doing.’ Then along with many whom he was able to persuade he went down to the place and accosted the man of God. He was the chief leader in speaking as he was the initiator of the evil.
“ ‘My good man, what are you thinking of in bringing such a novelty into our area? We are Irishmen, not Frenchmen! What kind of silliness is this? What need was there for a work so extravagant, so haughty? How will a poor and needy man of your like ever get the wherewithal to finish it? Who will ever see it finished? What kind of presumption is this, to begin what you can never—I do not say, finish—but see finished. Although it is really more the doing of a madman than mere presumption to attempt something which surpasses all moderation, exceeds his strength and transcends his abilities. Stop at once, cease from this insanity. Otherwise, we do not allow it, we do not support it.’ ”
The rest of the tale is irrelevant to what I'm trying to say (but basically St Malachy owns him and his son dies when Malachy says he would die and such). But what I think is occurring here in this exchange is St Malachy and the Church Reformers vs the old monastic families who, under Columban Rule, still transferred monastic rule via hereditary Comharba.
'Scoti sumis, non Galli' — ‘We are Gaels, not Gauls' or ‘We are Irishmen, not Frenchmen!’ — being in 1150, this is a very early nationally/ethnically conscious statement to make, showing how Irish nationality existed prior to the Norman invasion. But as in the Golden Age of Irish Monasticism in the 5th - 9th Centuries, it seemed the Columbans didn't want the big fancy buildings the French were trying to import, but instead wanted the old simple buildings of their forefathers, and it seems this is the case with the exchange above. However, the new innovations would win out in the end.
St Malachy's body remained at Clairvaux Abbey and eventually was placed in a tomb near St Bernard of Clairvaux's. Portions of his remains were sent to Ireland in 1194 and deposited at Mellifont Abbey and other Cistercians abbeys. During the French Revolution, his reliquaries were destroyed, although the relics were preserved. Malachy's head is now preserved in a reliquary in the treasury of Troyes Cathedral, not far from the site of Clairvaux. The Prophecy of the Popes is also attributed to St Malachy.
The final point is that after St Malachy passed away, the Synod he wanted to hold was held in the newly built Mellifont Abbey — this was the 1152 Synod of Kells-Mellifont (). The main effect was to increase the number of archbishops from two to four, the two original being Cashel & Armagh, the new two being Dublin and Tuam, and to redefine the number and size of dioceses. The Pope also gave the Primacy of Ireland to the Archdiocese of Armagh. Basically refining the early 1111 Synod.
The structure of the Irish Church today still is based on both the 1111 and 1152 Synods. Mellifont was then consecrated in 1157 and various kings gave donations to assist this foundation: Muirchertach Ua Lochlainn, provincial king of Ulster, gave cattle, some gold and also a local townland; Donnchad Ua Cearbhall, the king of Airgialla (Oriel), who had donated the land, also gave gold; while Derbforgaill, the wife of Tigernan Ua Ruairc gave gold, a chalice and altar cloths.
While the Synods of 1111 didn't disrupt the old monastic Columban systems, it took St Malachy with the help of the Kings of Munster to fully complete. Mellifont Abbey would be the ultimate demise of the old monastic families under Columban Rule/Comharba. The introduction of the Cistercian Order and many others thereafter such as Premonstratensians, Fransicans, Dominicans, and other Friars in this 12th century period would be the nail in the coffin along with the Norman invasion.
The Norman Invasion, like the Viking Wars, was to bring disruption to Gaeldom. Despite it, however, as seen here Churches and Abbeys were still being built, two redactions of the Táin Bó Cuailgne were written along with Lebor na Cert (rights for Kings) and the lives of early Saints.
The main issue with the Norman invasion of Ireland compared to England was that it was never complete and thereby presented a stagnating factor in a nation that was rapidly emerging. They occupied certain territories but they never conquered Ireland, like they did with Anglo-Saxon England, and therefore a new nation could not be formed, just two competing nations. Gaels in Ulster, Munster, and Connacht were continually successful in holding back Normans in the 1200s, with a final smashing to their rule in the 1300s with the Bruce campaign, which was successful at first until it was ruined due to the Famine of 1317. The Black Death did the job though and only the Pale was left under Anglo-Norman rule by then in 1366, hence the reason for the Statutes of Kilkenny.
This point above is also admitted by Gerald of Wales, the Norman Historian on the Norman invasion of Ireland, who was rather prophetic in stating the following in his 1189 piece 'The Conquest of Ireland' (Expugnatio Hibernica)'
"But although the Irish people did well deserve, for their grievous offences and filthy lives, to be brought into trouble by the incursions of strangers, they had not so utterly offended God that it was his will they should be entirely subjugated; nor were the deserts of the English such as to entitle them to the full sovereignty over, and the peaceable obedience of, the people they had partly conquered and reduced to submission.
“Therefore, perhaps, it was the will of God that both nations should be long engaged in mutual conflicts, neither of them having merited or altogether forfeited his favour, so that the one did not gain the prize of triumphant success, nor was the other so vanquished as to submit their necks generally to the yoke of servitude.”
It's unfortunate that just as the Gael was focusing his mind on matter via building bigger structures with the introduction of Mellifont, and on the ornamentation styles of Hiberno-Romanesque brought in by Cormac's Chapel, that the nation was disrupted. A quote by Aodh de Blácam sums this up below.
“In the 12th century, when Irish literature, art and commerce were at their height, & when an exquisite native variation of Romanesque architecture promised means at last for the impress of the Gaelic mind on matter, the Anglo-Norman invasion brought in a disturbing factor that prevented the consummation of National glory. The English flag was raised in Dublin, and was to float there unchallenged until the year 1916.
“It is true that the adventurers who tried to establish feudal lordships in the country were absorbed like the Norsemen before them conquered, not conquerors, and that many campaigns designed to plant English law in the Irish provinces melted away, so that in the end of the 15th century Gaelic culture and Gaelic law reigned supreme throughout the isle to the gates of Dublin.
“But the holding of Dublin prevented the solidification of Ireland into a modern Renaissance state. English power in Ireland during these centuries may be presented by comparing the Pale to the European Settlements along the Coast of China to-day : those trading, diplomatic and military posts do not impair the Chinese nationality, laws or manners over the mass of Chinese territory, and they are potential, but not actual, menaces to Chinese culture and independence.”
- Aodh de Blácam, “Where Sinn Féin Stands” on the disruption of the Norman invasion.
***