Arthur Griffith on the Significance and Vision of William Rooney
The following interview between Hayden Talbot, the author of ‘Michael Collins’ Own Story' - wherein the interview may be found - and Arthur Griffith constitutes the final statement of Griffith concerning matters of pertinence to Irish politics.
The interview contains an apology for the Treaty. It also deals, inter alia, with prevailing misconceptions regarding Sinn Féin - particularly the memory holed role of William Rooney, whose significance Griffith is at pains to redress.
The following represents merely a portion of the interview - its entirety may be found at An Cartlann.
SINN FÉIN was not my exclusive creation. It is unfair to the memory of a great Irishman that this false impression should be allowed to exist. Sinn Féin was conceived by two of us – and the other man was William Rooney.
The Sinn Féin movement was both economic and national. Rooney’s idea – and mine – was to make Sinn Féin in this way meet the two evils produced by the Union. Primarily Ireland’s need was education. Sinn Féin grew to wield enormous educational power. More than that, we saw the fruits of our labours in the growth of spiritual power among those who came into the ranks of Sinn Féin.
Unquestionably the organisation went far in unifying Ireland. The people had been waiting for an ‘Irish Ireland’ policy. Sinn Féin promoted that policy. Everywhere we preached the recreation of Ireland built upon the Gael. We penetrated into Belfast and North-East Ulster, where encouraging educational work was making the national revival a living reality. And then the world war broke out.
I do not indulge in prophecies, but the facts make clear that if Sinn Féin’s work in Ulster had not been interrupted in 1914 – if that work could have been completed – the freedom which the Treaty gives us would have been complete freedom. We who went to London as the nation’s plenipotentiaries did not go as representatives of a united Ireland – as we should have been had our work in Ulster gone on even a short time longer. And until Ireland can speak as a united people we shall not earn and we shall not get that full freedom deserved and possessed by nations that are nations.
Too much stress has been laid on two phases of Sinn Féin – neither of which was its chief characteristic. It has been repeatedly said that the Sinn Féin movement was not militant, and that I was wedded to the theory of non-resistance. I have no excuses nor apologies to make for my support of the abstention policy. For Irish representatives to sit in the Westminster Parliament had been abundantly proved to be the worst thing that could happen to Ireland. But Sinn Féin was not pacifistic. The militant movement existed within it, and by its side. Those who have a mere smattering of knowledge of Irish events of the past few years must realise that this is so when they learn that two of Sinn Féin’s most ardent advocates were Tom Clarke and Sean McDermott! No one will call these two mighty figures of Easter Week pacifists! Moreover, within the organisation the two movements worked in perfect harmony.
The second over-stressed feature of Sinn Féin has been that it is a purely political machine – with the accompanying suggestion of belittlement that this charge for some inexplicable reason seems to carry. The admittedly large majority in the Ard Fheis against the Treaty was instanced as a proof of this – the fact being used to show that Sinn Féin was as narrowly partisan as the ordinary party machine – and as little concerned with the actual welfare of the nation. This is a gross libel.
It is a fact that Rooney had little use for formulae. He preached language and liberty. But he also inspired all whom he met with national pride and courage. ‘Tell the world bravely what we seek!’ he said. ‘We must be men if we mean to win.’ He believed that liberty could not be won unless we were fit and willing to win it – ready to suffer and die for it. He interpreted the national ideal as ‘an Irish State governed by Irishmen for the benefit of the Irish people.’ He sought to impregnate the whole people with ‘a Gaelic-speaking nationality.’ ‘Only then,’ he pleaded, ‘could we win freedom and be worthy of it – freedom – individual and national freedom of the fullest and broadest character – freedom to think and act as it best beseems – national freedom to stand equally with the rest of the world.’
He aimed at weaving Gaelicism into the whole fabric of our national life. He wished to have Gaelic songs sung by the children in the schools. He advocated the boycotting of English goods, always with an eye to the spiritual effect. ‘We shall need,’ he said, ‘to turn our towns into something more than mere huxters’ shops, and, as a natural consequence, wells of anglicisation poisoning every section of our people.’
Such was our policy. It differed not at all from that policy enunciated during the world war by many publicists in America. Just as it was urged there that Americans should be neither pro-British nor anti-British, but, on the contrary, should concentrate on being pro-American – so Sinn Féin aimed at making Irishmen pro-Irish. Only by developing our own resources, by linking up our life with the past and adopting the civilisation which was stopped by the Union could we become Gaels again and help win our nation back. As long as we were Gaels we knew the influence of the foreigner was negligible. Unless we were Gaels we had no claim to occupy a definite and distinct place in the world’s life.
‘We most decidedly do believe,’ said Rooney, ‘that this nation has a right to direct its own destinies. We do most heartily concede that men bred and native of the soil are the best judges of what is good for this land. We are believers in an Irish nation using its own tongue, flying its own flag, defending its own coasts, and using its own discretion when dealing with the outside world. But this we most certainly believe can never come as the gift of any parliament, British or otherwise. It can only be won by the strong right arm and grim resolve of men. Neglect no weapon which the necessities and difficulties of the enemy force him to abandon to us, and make each concession a stepping-stone to further things.’
Perhaps that is a sufficient answer to the charge that Sinn Féin was a pacifist organisation!
Rooney spoke as a prophet. He prepared the way and foresaw the victory, and he helped his nation to rise and, by developing its soul, to get ready for victory.